Iraq's New Prime Minister Faces Uphill Battle in Taming Iran-Backed Militias

BAGHDAD — When Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi met President Trump at the White House in July, it marked a new chapter in U.S.-Iraqi relations and raised hopes that the Iraqi government might finally rein in the powerful pro-Iranian militias that have long operated outside state control.

More than a month later, those hopes are proving difficult to realize.

The Trump administration has made clear it wants al-Zaidi to dismantle the Popular Mobilization Units, commonly known as the PMU, a network of armed groups that fought alongside Iraqi security forces against ISIS but which Washington considers proxies of the Iranian regime. Some factions within the PMU have been designated as terrorist organizations by the United States.

Yet the path toward that goal has grown increasingly complicated, according to regional experts and former Iraqi officials who spoke with Maine News Now.

In late August, a senior Iraqi official announced that Baghdad would not treat September 30 as a deadline for disarming the militias. The date, it turns out, marks when the U.S.-led international coalition that defeated ISIS in Iraq and Syria is expected to complete its withdrawal—not the point by which weapons must be surrendered.

"Sept. 30 is the date for the international coalition to depart, not the deadline to hand over weapons," said Qasim al-Araji, the prime minister's security advisor, in a televised interview on August 23.

The mixed messaging reflects the delicate balance al-Zaidi's government is attempting to strike. Rather than demanding outright disarmament, the Iraqi government has signaled it prefers to integrate the PMU into the formal state apparatus—a process that would bring fighters under government payroll and command structures while allowing their organizations to persist in modified form.

Some militia leaders have indicated openness to this approach. Muqtada al-Sadr, the influential Shiite cleric who commands the Saraya al-Salam armed group, said in May that he supported integration. Al-Zaidi himself has spoken of building consensus among political factions.

"All political forces agree on moving forward to ensure that all arms remain under state authority," al-Zaidi told the Baghdad Dialogue Conference. "We will not allow Iraq's enemies to exploit any opportunity. The presence of weapons outside state authority creates an environment that discourages investment, which is unacceptable because it does not serve the interests of Iraqis."

But other factions have rejected the government's approach outright. Kataeb Hezbollah and Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba—hardline groups with deep ties to Tehran—have declared they will not disarm or integrate.

Regional analysts say the resistance runs deeper than public statements.

According to Entifadh Qanbar, who served as spokesman for Iraq's deputy prime minister during the George W. Bush administration, Iranian officials have been actively working to undermine disarmament efforts. He says IRGC Quds Force Commander Esmail Qaani visited Baghdad and instructed militia leaders to slow negotiations, reject the September 30 timeline, and keep their weapons as part of what Iran views as a broader regional deterrence strategy.

"Any remaining hope was further diminished after IRGC Quds Force commander Esmail Qaani visited Baghdad," Qanbar told Maine News Now. "According to multiple reports, he instructed militia leaders to slow down any discussion of disarmament, reject the September 30 deadline, and maintain their weapons as part of Iran's broader regional deterrence strategy."

Qanbar said he had been skeptical from the start, though he believed al-Zaidi deserved a chance after his White House visit and the praise he received from President Trump.

"Initially, some militias such as Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataeb Imam Ali merely issued statements claiming they would hand over their weapons," Qanbar said. "There has been no credible evidence that they have actually disarmed."

The challenges facing the Iraqi government were illustrated in a recent episode that observers describe as a significant setback.

The Iraqi Counter Terrorism Service arrested Abbas al-Yaqubi, the head of intelligence for the Popular Mobilization Forces' Baghdad Belt Operations Command. The arrest was seen by many as a sign the government was finally willing to confront powerful militia figures. Within days, however, al-Yaqubi was transferred to the PMU's own intelligence branch—a move that critics say demonstrated the government's inability to follow through.

"Al-Yaqubi has long been involved in violence against Iraqi activists, and many viewed his arrest as an important signal that the government was finally willing to confront powerful militia figures," Qanbar said. "What seemed like a significant step forward turned into a major setback."

Elizabeth Tsurkov, a senior fellow at the New Lines Institute in Washington, said the episode reflects a broader pattern.

"The Iraqi government is trying. It genuinely carried out some moves," Tsurkov said. "Unfortunately, because the militias are extremely willing to use force against their own people, including against security forces, the government finds itself in a position of backing down in the face of these militias. The militias have penetrated most state institutions, and you see repeated situations of the state backing down."

Tsurkov would have particular reason to know. She was kidnapped in 2023 by Kataeb Hezbollah, the Iran-backed group, and held hostage for nearly two years before the Trump administration secured her release earlier this year.

Beyond the militia question, the Trump administration has also moved to address what it sees as Iranian exploitation of Iraqi resources.

In May, the Treasury Department sanctioned Ali Maarij Al-Bahadly, Iraq's deputy minister of oil, for allegedly facilitating the diversion of Iraqi oil to benefit the Iranian regime and its proxy militias. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described the actions starkly.

"Like a rogue gang, the Iranian regime is pillaging resources that rightfully belong to the Iraqi people," Bessent said at the time. "Treasury will not stand idly by as Iran's military exploits Iraqi oil to fund terrorism against the United States and our partners."

In late August, Iraq's anti-corruption body announced that Al-Bahadly had been sentenced to seven years in prison and fined millions of dollars for corruption-related offenses.

The connection between Iraqi oil revenues and militia financing became a subject of particular attention after reports emerged that Iran had approved the passage of Iraqi oil tankers through the Strait of Hormuz. Former U.S. Ambassador Alberto Fernandez suggested the arrangement would funnel money to Iranian-backed groups.

"The profit from that Iraqi oil goes, in part, to pay for Iran's own Iraqi militias and death squads on the Iraqi government's payroll," Fernandez posted on social media.

An Iraqi government spokesman disputed the characterization, telling Maine News Now that the reports were "not accurate."

Despite the obstacles, the State Department has expressed continued support for al-Zaidi's government.

"Iraq has embarked on a new direction under the leadership of Prime Minister al-Zaidi in full partnership with the United States," a department spokesperson said. "The United States strongly supports his vision to ensure a brighter future for all Iraqis free from terrorism, to prevent attacks in and from Iraqi territory, and to deliver a strong and mutually beneficial U.S.-Iraq partnership."

For now, observers say the gap between that vision and the reality on the ground remains wide.

Maine News Now will continue to follow developments in Iraq as the situation evolves.