Lone Star State doings could benefit Susan Collins | Jim Fossel

Texas Senate Primary Reshapes National Map, Easing Pressure on Susan Collins
A Republican primary upset in Texas on May 26 has quietly redrawn the strategic calculus for both parties heading into the November midterm elections, and the ripple effects may reach all the way to Maine's closely watched Senate race.
Ken Paxton, the Texas attorney general who was impeached by the Texas House in 2023 and later acquitted by the Texas Senate, defeated longtime incumbent U.S. Sen. John Cornyn in the GOP runoff. Paxton's victory has drawn intense national attention, much of it focused on the implications for the Republican Party and the prospect that Texas — long considered safely red — could become competitive in a general election.
Democrats in Texas are running James Talarico, a young and energetic candidate who would have faced steep odds against Cornyn but now sees an opening against the more controversial Paxton. The prospect of a serious fight in Texas has forced both parties to rethink how they allocate finite campaign dollars across a growing list of battleground states.
The shift carries direct consequences for Sen. Susan Collins, the Maine Republican who had been widely viewed as one of Democrats' top targets for flipping a Senate seat. Heading into the year, conventional wisdom held that Democrats almost certainly needed to win Maine to have any realistic path to a Senate majority. That assumption is now being questioned.
In 2020, Democrats made Maine their priority, pouring enormous resources into the state behind Sara Gideon, who was regarded as a rising star. Gideon raised a substantial sum — much of which went unspent after her loss to Collins — and benefited from heavy spending by national Democratic groups. The concentration of resources in Maine that year contributed to narrower-than-expected Democratic losses in other competitive races, including North Carolina.
This cycle could unfold in reverse. With Texas suddenly in play, along with special elections in Florida (to replace Marco Rubio) and Ohio (to replace JD Vance), and competitive Senate races in North Carolina, Alaska and Iowa, Democrats face an unusually crowded map of expensive targets. They are also defending an open seat in Michigan. Running credible campaigns in several large, costly states at once is a financial challenge, and Democrats may eventually be forced to make hard choices about where to compete hardest.
For Collins, the practical effect is straightforward: if Democrats conclude they have viable alternate paths to a majority that do not run through Maine, they may reduce their investment in the state rather than escalate it. That could leave her in a stronger position than she appeared to be just a few months ago.
The Maine race has not lost all its competitive intensity. Graham Platner, the Democratic candidate, has generated significant attention — and controversy — including the recent revelation that he has a Nazi tattoo that must be covered in public appearances. Platner had been polling competitively against Collins before the controversy, drawing the kind of national spending that helped define the 2020 contest. Whether national Democrats continue to view Maine as worth that level of investment is now an open question.
There are countervailing factors for Republicans as well. The party holds a substantial fundraising advantage nationally and can afford to compete in Texas even if it would prefer not to. Texas remains a conservative state, and Paxton's primary win does not automatically make the seat flippable. Still, the cost of defending it will consume resources that might otherwise have flowed elsewhere.
The broader lesson, political observers note, is that the national picture is more fluid than it appeared at the start of the year. A handful of developments — Paxton's win in Texas, special elections in two other large states, and the sheer number of competitive races — have given Democrats more options and, in the process, made Maine's Senate race slightly less pivotal to their overall strategy.
Whether that strategic calculation ultimately translates into reduced spending in Maine will depend on how the race develops and how other contests around the country shake out. For now, the assumption that Maine would be the center of the political universe in 2026 looks considerably less certain than it did in January.




